This paper attempts a discursive perspective on the antithesis between the waves of xenophobic attacks on nationals from other African countries in South Africaand a litany of Pan-African philosophies around which all Africans united against the oppressive regimes that once held their brothers in Southern African states bound: Negritude of Sedar Senghor,Ubuntuism, Steve Biko’s“Black Consciousness”,“African Center Piece” (the ideological underpinning of Nigeria’s foreign policy since independence) as well as a betrayal of the South Africannational anthem “Nkosisikilel’iAfrica”. The post-Apartheid Afro-phobic killings inSouth Africa lay bare one of the diplomatic failuresof post-OAU regional diplomacy in Africa. The paper re-examines how these pre-independence philosophies came to bond African nationalists together in the struggle against minority rule in the Frontline States and how the other African states and the worldstood side by side with the Sothern African nations fromAgosstinhoNeto’s Angola to SamoraMachel’s Mozambique, Mugabe’s Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia), and Sam Nujoma’s Namibia, so as to reflect how reciprocal or not the post-Apartheid South Africa had been to their fellow African neighbors. While Mandela must be commended for his high sense of diplomatic reciprocity he showed after he regained freedom through a litany of shuttle diplomacy to several parts of the world, making Nigeria one of his first ports of call outside the frontline states. Mandela, “a humane, simplistic and pacifist par excellence” never attributed the victory over apartheid to himself alone, nor did he attributed it to the South African alone but Africa and indeed the world for even the role of other veterans of the anti-apartheid struggles were never omitted in his remark, he Knew he was because Walter Sisulu was, Gowan Mbeki was, Raymond Mhlaba, Elias Motsoaledi, Andrew Mlangeni, JathyKathrada and Dennis Goldberg were. The paper seeks to put to perspective how the post-OAU regional diplomacy in Africa is failing in spite the touted “Union Concept without unity” without supranational jurisdiction nor the structures that sustained the European Integration in the 21st Century, a region that colonized Africa, fought wars among themselves over territorial, ideological and expansionistic disputes, yet could forge an uncommon integration. While Africa is still beset with deep intra-regional cleavages (at ethno-national levels), France and Germany have put behind them the vestigesand spasms of Alsace Lorraine, championing an unprecedented integration in continental Europe withone currency, one visa, collapsing national borders for common European citizenry. This Paper submits that thexenophobic attacksmet out to her African brothers in South Africa does not only reflect a betrayal of the African brotherhood,“Negritude”, Steve Biko’s“Black Consciousness”, Zulu’s “Ubuntuism” as wellas Nigeria’s foreign policy Doctrine of “African Center piece” upon which all the leaders of successive administrations and regimesin Nigeria since Independence(1 October, 1960) had underpinned their foreign policy objectives, it also reflects one of the institutional frailties of the African Union and post-OAU regional diplomacy in the 21st Century Africa. While the responses of president Cyril Ramaphosa is partly commendable, more has to be done at the intergovernmental levels through the African Union to save Africa from the Afro-phobic killings by one African nationals against another an antithesis to the“African Union Concept”.

This paper is a scholarly contribution to extant literature in international Security and Strategic Studies on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament in multilateral diplomacy under the aegis the United Nations with special focus on North Korea. The paper chronicles the atomic age, how it all began, its deployment in WW II pacific theatre, the anthropogenic catastrophes it brought about and how it altered the dynamics of modern warfare both in terms of the instruments and the theaters of war, as well as its implication for global peace and security. This study attempt a discursive response to ethical and strategic questions surrounding the nuclear weapon, the global response throughmultilateral diplomacy under the UN, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the UN‟s atomic watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). This paper adopts qualitative method and theoretically hinges on the Regime, Deterrence and Nuclear Peace Theories. The paper attempts a holistic perspective on the North Korea‟s rise to nuclear power with special focus on the impact of communism on North Korean militarismas well as the efforts of the international diplomatic community to ensure the re-unification of the Koreas since the 1953 Armistice that ceases hostilities without ending the war. The paper highlights the implications of a nuclear North Korea for the Regional Order in the Korean Peninsula and how it undermines the adherence to rule of law in the conducts of international diplomacy. As a Super power and a key player in Post-war diplomacy,the paper spotlights the unilateral and bilateral roles of the United States in the global efforts towards denuclearization Democratic People‟s Republic of North Korea. Findings revealed that the diplomatic bargains and tradeoffs between the Nuclear Weapon States and the non-nuclear weapon states of the NPT had not been complied with by the former (NWSs) which correspondingly are the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (the United States, Russian Federation, the People‟s Republic of China, the United Kingdom and France) with respect to their pledge on disarmament in exchange for which the Non-Nuclear Weapon States undertook under the NPT not to acquire a nuclear device. This lack of demonstration of good faith on the part of the five permanent members of the UNSC provided a strong argument for Non-Nuclear Weapons States to acquire the unconventional weapons citing sovereign equality principle of international diplomacy.While nuclear strategy falls short of the Just War Theory (Jus in Bello) its deployment in two Japan‟s cities (Hiroshima and Nagasaki) further elicits posthumously,political, ethical and strategic questions. Nuclear weapons lacked the same status under international law as other non-conventional weapons: biological and chemical weapons in that they are yet to be prohibited globally asthe inchoate Treaty on Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons 2017 is yet to attract the ratification of the Fiftieth Instrument90 days after which it will come into force. The paper Spotlights the international laws on nuclear weapons and the viability of the regimes set aside by the diplomatic community to enforce them. Defectively, the NPT under Article IX created unequal legal status among ratifying states and by that process brought a partial ban on nuclear weapons leaving a legal gap on nuclear weapons in the eye of international law. The denuclearization of North Korea is not only critical to mitigating the heightened tensions in the Korean Peninsula but also critical steps towards the reunification of the Koreas and a gradual transition from one the last bastion of communism to a true “Democratic Republic of Korea”. North Korea has argued against complete denuclearization citing national security. There is need for a fundamental shift in nuclear diplomacy by transferring all nuclear arsenals in national stockpiles and the exclusive authority to nuclear acquisition from member states to the United Nations as an association of sovereign states. To this end, the IAEA statute, the NPT 2019 review treaty template should be incorporated into the United Nations Charter as Additional Protocols. A new organ should be created to oversee the global nuclear order under the UN in the title of the United Nations Atomic Energy Council (UNAEC). The current five permanent members of the UNSC will still play complimentary role in this emergent nuclear order but multilaterally under the aegisof “the UN”. The 2020 review conference should be utilized to kick start the final negotiations to transfer the international nuclear regime/jurisdictions under the NPT to the United Nations.The conference should also serve to garner support among the diplomatic community for the finalization of the ratification of the Fiftieth instrument of the inchoate Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons which should be incorporated into the UN Charter as additional Protocols. This landmark reform when actualized will give the United Nations the unparalleled diplomatic clout on matters that borders on international peace and security, unveiling the United Nations Peace in the rubric: “Pax- United Nations”. On North Korea, the paper stands with stronger sanctions regime, embargoes, assets freezes and diplomatic alterations to compel the defiant regime to yield to the call for total denuclearization as the Democratic Peoples‟ Republic of North Korea hasdemonstrated some of the worst diplomatic characters typical of Machiavellian diplomacy fraught with secrecy and double-dealings

Child sex tourism is caused by multiple factors including, consumerism, culture, economy, social, political instability, environment, corruption, lack of reporting crimes, lack of and/or inadequate laws, poor enforcement, state lack of interest, debt burden, structural adjustment programmes, the practice of offering women as subservient to men, discriminatory policies, poverty, natural calamities, lack of training, demand and supply, power imbalances, sex trade, families’ encouragement, philanthropic organizations, easy internet access, crime and violence, transient workers, freedom of movement, domestic tourists, population expansion, child trafficked, loss of communal farmlands, and porous borders. In light of the aforementioned, the causes of child sex tourism can be pooled and pigeonhole into social, economic, political, natural, technological, and legal causes.

The present research study was conducted on finding the effective instructional technology for distance teacher education in Bangladesh. It mainly brought to focus the implementation stages of education policy issues in general where use of some sort of technology was advocated and specifically getting further to the areas on use of Instructional Design related to production and use of text materials like radio-TV lessons and printed text materials for distance education. The specific focal point of the research was to make an evaluation on the actual stage continuation of the sequence of policy -design- delivery- evaluation, related to the innovative uses of technology in school science teaching and distance teacher education. The ID model and learning model formulated by this study need to be tested by future researchers.

Child sexual abuse is not only serious and dangerous issue but also very complex and universal problem along with Bangladesh. It is commonly said that today‟s children are the next future generation and valuable asset who will play important parts for the essence of the country and nation. The child sexual abuse is much mountainous problem than it has been expected. If the historical background of the child sexual abuse is followed, then we find it first turned into an open issue in the late 1970 and 1980. But before that time, it was hidden topic up to 1968, 44 out 50 US states had authorized a compulsory law that was mandatory to all doctors to report instances of suspicious child abuse. But in present world child sexual abuse not only the subject of US but also subject in all the countries in the world. In Bangladesh, child sexual abuse is also very serious problem and it has many negative impacts by which the society affected seriously. And it is a matter of great sorrow that child sexual abuse is increasing day by day in Bangladesh. It is very much needed to discuss the overall scenario of child sexual abuse in Bangladesh context to prevent this problem on a permanent basis